Unfair methods were employed against NBP and RNE (Russian National Unity) and we ended up overboard of politics. Legal actions are useless. In case of NBP, they don’t get known. Still, a power fight in Russian cities may result in the immediate ban of the organization immediately after the first big action. Passivity, simply an existence (meetings, newspaper publication) is the direct road to disintegration, to the death of the organization. A political organization must work and be in state of struggle.
We don’t know how RNE will act. Probably, taking in account Barkashov’s political inflexibility, RNE will quietly fall to pieces without stopping to yell about its greatness. According to our intelligence service, “Barkashov’s deep into drinking.” Paradoxically the radical and nationalistic RNE was able to exist only in the “democratic” climate of the RF. Created during the peak of democracy in 1990, RNE got used to exploit the democratic media as free means of propaganda. For a long period of time, the media were for Barkashov recruiters, propagandists, idea spreaders, personal photographers, documentalists and historiographers. In the police State climate formed in Russia by 1999, Barkashov and his RNE lost the nerve and became helpless. They were always passive. Even in October 93 (the participation in the October events is their only heroic act) the Barkashovists passively went over to the government opposition that was organized by other forces. Today, will the RNE have enough courage (the other ways are cut off) to get to the enactment of what they were seriously preparing themselves for during these nine years? A question rises: And to what did they prepare themselves? Thinking it over, we come to the conclusion that the RNE was preparing for:
1. Chance. A situation, where, like in October 93, they would be needed. But they didn’t manage to handle the situation of 93.2. Judging by Barkashov’s confessions stated here and there, he hoped to be useful with his organization to Yeltsin! (Like the fuhrer to Hindenburg!) It’s hard to believe but it’s true. RNE was preparing for the taking of power with grace and refinement, in uniforms and in ranks; to photogenicly change the present government, under journalists’ cameras and flashes. (As we see, Yeltsin didn’t call Barkashov but the bureaucrat Putin, not the “Russian National Unity”, but the curtailed “Unity”) “The bad boys” of democracy, RNE were nonetheless democracy’s children, and operated a successful natural trade with the public. They frightened it with fascism in exchange for RNE publicity.
We don’t believe that RNE will pass to the active illegal form of existence – to terrorism or guerilla warfare. And if the organization will not pass to other methods, passive, it will be left and is already left by people. It will be the end of RNE. Especially, if it won’t have any publicity anymore. (The latest information of our intelligence service confirms our diagnosis. A member of its Moscow organization, who had recently left RNE, had morosely told our Nazbol: RNE is done. You’re the only ones left…”)
It’s interesting to compare the fate and history of RNE with the fate and history of a similarly radical, but Ukrainian nationalistic organization, with the UNA-UNSO. UNA-UNSO appeared the same year as RNE, that is in 1990. However the difference in characters and talents of the leaders made itself felt. All these years, UNA-UNSO was headed by the brilliant revolutionary, romantic and poet Dmitro Korchynsky
. (The party’s chairman was the blind Yuri
Shukhevych, son of the national hero Roman Shukhevych, but in fact, Kortchinsky individually headed UNA-UNSO from 1990 to 1997. On UNA-UNSO account were such big actions as: participation in the wars of the Pridnestrovie region, Abkhazia (seven killed) and Chechnya, four-hour seizure of the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra in Kiev, funerals of the patriarch Vladimir near the wall of the St Sophia’s Cathedral that have ended in rioting, participation in anti-Lukashenko demonstrations in Byelorussia (seven arrested). They even succeeded in getting three deputies to the Supreme rada (parliament). The list of RNE actions is a lot shorter. It’s only “the defense of the White House”, which, as we know, wasn’t defended.
In Ukraine, the authorities started to fight with UNA-UNSO from fall 93. When the Supreme rada adopted amendments to the criminal code and a criminal responsibility for participation in armed groups was introduced. Later many UNA-UNSO members were arrested and did jail time. Numerous arrests were conducted at the end of 1996. On the 1997 congress, Kortchinsky released himself from duty, explaining in his “renunciation”, published in newspapers: “I do it because I’m not interested in doing politics. I was the leader of a feudal band of warriors, but I can’t and I don’t want to become the director of a political party. “After Kortchinsky’s departure, UNA-UNSO immediately faded, having become yet another party among the others. The style of the leader, the romantic of revolution Kortchinsky, was present in UNA-UNSO actions, which were romantic, revolutionary, bloody and beautiful. The reactionary and family man Barkashov created an insipid, boring, theatrically false and a lot weaker organization of nationalists. However today, in the context of the authoritarian, bureaucratic-police regimes of Russia and Ukraine, there is no place for the life of UNA-UNSO or of RNE.
What would happen to us? To NBP? We were already born in a police State. We are far younger (by five years) and more modern. We are not used to media attention. We had and we have to desperately struggle for each piece of information. From the beginning we didn’t suit for the role of a fascist scarecrow; we’re too complicated. Besides, there can only be a single fascist scarecrow; the media won’t fit two. The role of a red, left extremist was for a long time occupied by Anpilov, so, unclassified, we survived a few years, living on the nicknames given to us: “trouble-makers”, “extremists”. During that time we became adults and the first ones to become worried were our political relatives: Barkashov started to slander us in every way (the form of attention of people like him), and Anpilov was on good terms with us at first, but then, getting jealous of the organization, he ended up likewise: slander, hatred and break-up (the form of attention of people like him). And so, loved by nobody, stray dogs, used to support roles and knowing that the right for principal roles belongs to us, we are standing with the RNE before a choice: to come to new struggle methods, or to die, to disappear and to desintegrate from helplessness and cowardice. The new struggle method can be only revolutionary guerrilla warfare. Barkashov won’t fight as a partisan; he’s too much of a family man, too used to easy victories. He will prefer to degrade. But naturally, he himself is not able to understand that he will degrade. But he will try to live like in the old times. And you can’t live like in the old times anymore. RNE already resembles DOSAAF (Voluntary Society for Assistance to the Army), or the society for cooperation with the cops. And the previous moral capital, earned in two weeks in the gym of the White House six years ago has been wasted since a long time. We, we’ll go forward, the way of Mao and Che. The thing is that we’re not left with any possibility of a legal political activity in the RF. The Russian political freedoms are all killed. Killed by the bureaucratic cast, that has resumed its power after the short break of a democratic revolution. The goals of NBP cannot be reached in the RF in the next future. From October 1993 was practically created an extremely powerful MVD (Ministry of Internal Affairs) machine with its OMONs (SWAT), OMZDONs (a SWAT unit) and RUOPs (organized crime unit officers), expected to be used for armed fight against rebels, if they happen to appear. Plus the regime was too fortified by the war in Chechnya. The power could have been easily taken the 23rd February 1992, the 17th mars 1992 or the 9th Mars 1993, by overthrowing the regime with demonstrations strong of several thousands of people. But the leaders of that time didn’t understand that it was possible. It was possible to seize the power in October 1993, if determined war people who were getting ready for a confrontation would have headed the opposition. Today all the chances of seizing the power in the RF by legal methods are equal to none. NBP has not enough people yet and doesn’t have the necessary experience. If we are going to rise in the RF, we will be crushed in a few days. We need a second Russia.
The theory of the second Russia.
Well, first of all, let’s think about the way in which a Russian political organization that is decided to fight, should behave. An organization that is ready for a fight similar to the fights of Mao and Che has, nevertheless, to keep it from a ban and repressions against its members by any means. A legal organization will be vitally needed; we could draw from it, as from a recruitment center, people who already share our views. The legal organization will continue to translate the ideas and the ideology, distribute the newspaper and have the possibility to participate in the elections and all the legal political unions, to carry out legal political actions such as marches, meetings, pickets and other traditional political actions.
Then, from the start we need to push aside the pure terror as a method of seizing the power. Terrorist methods didn’t bring to power the “Red Brigades”, nor the “RAF” in Germany. Only guerilla warfare that later transforms itself into a civil war leads to the seizure of power. This is classic. This was already thought by Lenin and later classically confirmed by Mao and on a more modest scale, Castro and Che. Another thing is that guerrilla warfare in Germany and Italy of the 70s and 80s was impossible, so the RAF and “the Red Brigades” had to follow terrorism, hoping to awake the rising of the masses. And how could RAF and “the Red Brigades” wage guerilla warfare? In the old mountains of Italy? In the asphalt plains of Germany?
And finally, the principal: If it’s impossible to win in the RF, we first need to win in on of the CIS republics with a high enough rate of Russian population; to create a second Russia, so as to turn it later against the first one. Naturally, guerilla warfare has to be taken outside of RF borders. To found a partisan base somewhere near the RF border, but already on the territory of any SIC republic, after a thorough selection. The military operations have to unfold against the government of the “republic” and not against the RF government. In this case, it’s possible to have a lot of obvious advantages:
1. We won’t have to confront the Russian army, which would have been a fratricidal war. With that, the Russian army is the strongest army in the SIC.
2. We won’t have to break RF laws, which would allow (at least during the first period of time) to conserve the legal structure of the party in the Russian Federation.
3. Although a RF intervention and assistance is possible in this sort of conflict on the side of the attacked republic with known conditions (the Shanghai treaty on mutual assistance, a fast understanding of the conflict’s point), however the contrary is also possible. With an efficiently organized propaganda, when it will be known in the RF that “the rebelled Russians are getting exterminated”, with the sympathy of the public opinion, an RF intervention on the side of the rebels is possible as well. It won’t necessarily happen this way, but possibly.
4. The Russian public opinion will significantly favor the people who started a war on foreign territory under the banner of the protection of the Russian population then the people who started a war on Russian territory.
5. We can also count on the media favor, or at least their objectivity. And with an efficiently set propaganda, to their sympathetic attitude as well.
A guerilla war naturally, by the precepts of Mao the classic, starts with the creation of a guerilla base. Where, in what republic is it mostly convenient to locate a guerilla base? Based on the elimination method, are immediately unfit for this objective the tiny Baltic republics, with a large population density and the absence of places where a base could be concealed. The mountains are the best refuge for a guerilla base, but unfortunately, they are not to be found anywhere in the European part of the USSR territory, except for the Caucasus. The Caucasus is indeed, the ideal place for this goal. But the northern Caucasus today is flooded with Russian troops and Chechen illegal armed groups that confront them. These or the others will crush the rising guerilla movement. As for the Caucasus republics (Georgia, Azerbaijan, Armenia) each of them is populated by a homogenous national compound and no Russian or multinational imperial movement would enjoy the population’s support, which is, as we know, one of the principal conditions of the survival and the success of guerilla warfare. Crimea, notwithstanding the large Russian population and the poor but mountains also is not fit for this goal. And because the fifty million people strong Ukraine is in the military aspect the strongest republic that broke away from the USSR and the Ukrainian nationalism is dumb and angry. (We had the opportunity to see it for ourselves by the reaction of Ukraine on our peaceful action in Sevastopol) There is another reason why Crimea doesn’t suit us: the Tatars, a third, ferocious element in this political situation, are also laying claim on Crimea and will hinder us and render the fight more difficult. We can also reject Kirghizia, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and especially Uzbekistan as States with a very small or almost inexistent Russian population. These are nations with a homogenous indigenous population that don’t have common borders with Russia. So the guerrilla movement will not be able to receive assistance from Russia, to retreat on our land’s territory in case of necessity and to receive human reserves. There is only one State that fits neatly as a glove for the organization of a guerilla base of a Russian liberation movement. This is Kazakhstan. The population is 15 million 672 thousand people. Among them a little more than six million are Kazakhs. There are about six million Russians, 896 thousand Ukrainians, maybe half a million of Germans, over three hundred thousand Tatars, 185 thousand Uygurs and other “non-native ethnicities”. For the objectives of a liberation movement this is a very good distribution. (For comparison, in Uzbekistan, for 19 million 810 thousand people there is more than 14 million of Uzbeks and Muslims.) But Kazakhstan is the least Muslim country of all the nations of central Asia. Not only Muslims are a minority but also the quality of the Kazakh Islam leaves hope for better. “Being in the civilization aspect nomads and pagan Tengrians, the Kazakhs were confronted relatively late with the preaching of Islam and have kept up to this day the vestiges of shamanism,” writes an academic brochure. Although Nazarbaev parades his image of a Muslim leader, it’s only an image.
The armed forces of Kazakhstan are relatively weak. In the land troops up are serving to 42 thousand people, in the border troops, 15 thousand, the inland troops (the best of all) count 24 600 people, the Armed Forces of Kazakhstan, from one and a half to two thousand people. In all, they have around 84 thousand people under arms. We remind that in Cuba where landed Fidel there was 8 million people and Batista’s troops counted 40 thousand guns. So the comparison is proportionate.
The total length of the Kazakhstan borders is more than 13 thousand kilometers. Among them, more than six thousand form the border with the Russian Federation. It’s practically unguarded. (The most dangerous border for Kazakhstan is with China, less than two thousand kilometers, guarded partly.) Near the Kazakhstan border on our Russian territory are located large cities with populations of about a million people and even more than a million. These are Astrakhan, Volgograd, Saratov, Samara, Orenburg, Chelyabinsk, Kurgan, Omsk, and Barnaul. A little farther, but nonetheless close, on a distance of no more than five hundred kilometers from the border are located very large cities: Ufa and Novosibirsk. From these centers an inflow of volunteer recruits is possible in the future. Kazakhstan is a huge and an extremely low populated country of steppes, deserts, semi deserts and mountains. The economy is mostly concentrated along the border with Russia, on the north and the south of the country’s border. That’s clearly where the partisans should go. Then we should start the second Russia. The only negative factor of carrying out a rising attempt in Kazakhstan is the fact that the territory is far from Russia’s center. It would be hard to set up an information access to the RF capital. However, by working in advance, we could set up information flows in some of the above mentioned dozen of cities and from there to the capital.
After the creation of the second Russia (even if at first it’s a small moving island), to there, undoubtedly, would flow the first and the most ferocious elements from Russia. People would flee there like serfs to the Don, in search for freedom. The Russia of “registrations”, the Russia of cops and bureaucrats has definitively pissed everybody off. We need a second Russia.
The secret bulletin NBP-INFO № 3